Behind India’s Manipur conflict : A tale of drugs, armed groups and politics
|
Angana Chakrabarti (associate member of The Reporters’ Collective)
Contd from previous issue
The Kuki political leaders accused the Chief Minister of communalising the State and targeting their community by supporting new Meitei armed groups.
These were the same MLAs who, with the overt support of the Kuki armed groups, had backed Chief Minister Singh in 2022.
“They are part and parcel of tribal politics. If someone wants to fight elections, you need to have their blessing. After the candidates they sponsor get elected, they [the armed groups] get different contracts [from the Government],” said a political observer in the State who declined to be named because of concerns for his safety.
As the ethnic conflict intensifies, both rebel groups and political leaders from the Kuki community, who once allied with the Meitei Chief Minister, are now visibly distancing themselves.
Unlike the 2019 general elections when it fielded a Kuki-Zo, this time the BJP does not have a candidate for the Outer Manipur seat, which covers the hill districts. But in its campaign for the Inner Manipur (valley) seat, it says its focus is on saving the “indigenous people of Manipur” by fencing the Indo-Myanmar border, ending the Free Movement Regime, the “identification of illegal immigrants”, among other issues that have played into the conflict so far.
Demand for a separate State
Despite holding Biren Singh responsible for the ethnic conflict, Kuki leaders within the BJP have not yet resigned either from his Cabinet or the party.
During this period, various Kuki-Zo civil society groups have emerged as prominent advocates for their community’s rights and demands. One of the key demands these groups have consistently rallied around since the onset of the conflict is the establishment of a separate administration, cleaved out of Manipur. This proposition was initially put forth by 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs, seven of whom belong to the BJP.
“Unfortunately, they [the Centre] have been trying to play it down and my reading is that they have been trying or are really buying into Biren [Singh]’s narrative,” said a Kuki-Zo legislator who didn’t wish to be named.
When asked if they planned to resign from the party, the MLA said, “If today I resign from the BJP, the party … will disqualify me from the Assembly,” he said, adding, “The majoritarian Government is interested in making most or some of the BJP’s members resign and conduct a by-election.”
Considering the anger against the Meitei community, and particularly against Biren Singh, it seems impossible for a candidate endorsed by the State Chief Minister to win a by-election in the Kuki-dominated hills.
But the MLA hinted otherwise. “Our people being tribals, if there is a by-election they will have a field day splitting people along party lines. That is what they wanted and that has been how politics has been played in India.”
In the upcoming elections, no Kuki-Zo candidates are contesting. All the candidates in the fray for the Outer Manipur seat are Naga with the BJP backing the Naga People’s Front candidate.
The layers of Manipur politics, the linkages between the political elite and their interests across ethnic divides, defy a simpler image of a clash between two communities.
Gun-toting men, young and old, now sit and guard their villages from the neighbouring Kuki and Meitei villages. Every few days, there are headlines on gunfire exchanges and deaths.
According to a retired police officer, who is familiar with intelligence gathering in India’s North Eastern States, this kind of “low-grade violence is more dangerous”.
“These are indications that people are being recruited and trained,” he said. Asked what this conflict would spell for the illicit drug trade, he said, “In times of instability, trans-shipment and running becomes more active.”
“The Meiteis can’t go to the hills, and the Kukis can’t come to the valley. But the drugs can still go everywhere,” said Jogesh of the 3.5 Collective.
Angana Chakrabarti is an associate member of The Reporters’ Collective.
Aljazeera
Contd from previous issue
The Kuki political leaders accused the Chief Minister of communalising the State and targeting their community by supporting new Meitei armed groups.
These were the same MLAs who, with the overt support of the Kuki armed groups, had backed Chief Minister Singh in 2022.
“They are part and parcel of tribal politics. If someone wants to fight elections, you need to have their blessing. After the candidates they sponsor get elected, they [the armed groups] get different contracts [from the Government],” said a political observer in the State who declined to be named because of concerns for his safety.
As the ethnic conflict intensifies, both rebel groups and political leaders from the Kuki community, who once allied with the Meitei Chief Minister, are now visibly distancing themselves.
Unlike the 2019 general elections when it fielded a Kuki-Zo, this time the BJP does not have a candidate for the Outer Manipur seat, which covers the hill districts. But in its campaign for the Inner Manipur (valley) seat, it says its focus is on saving the “indigenous people of Manipur” by fencing the Indo-Myanmar border, ending the Free Movement Regime, the “identification of illegal immigrants”, among other issues that have played into the conflict so far.
Demand for a separate State
Despite holding Biren Singh responsible for the ethnic conflict, Kuki leaders within the BJP have not yet resigned either from his Cabinet or the party.
During this period, various Kuki-Zo civil society groups have emerged as prominent advocates for their community’s rights and demands. One of the key demands these groups have consistently rallied around since the onset of the conflict is the establishment of a separate administration, cleaved out of Manipur. This proposition was initially put forth by 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs, seven of whom belong to the BJP.
“Unfortunately, they [the Centre] have been trying to play it down and my reading is that they have been trying or are really buying into Biren [Singh]’s narrative,” said a Kuki-Zo legislator who didn’t wish to be named.
When asked if they planned to resign from the party, the MLA said, “If today I resign from the BJP, the party … will disqualify me from the Assembly,” he said, adding, “The majoritarian Government is interested in making most or some of the BJP’s members resign and conduct a by-election.”
Considering the anger against the Meitei community, and particularly against Biren Singh, it seems impossible for a candidate endorsed by the State Chief Minister to win a by-election in the Kuki-dominated hills.
But the MLA hinted otherwise. “Our people being tribals, if there is a by-election they will have a field day splitting people along party lines. That is what they wanted and that has been how politics has been played in India.”
In the upcoming elections, no Kuki-Zo candidates are contesting. All the candidates in the fray for the Outer Manipur seat are Naga with the BJP backing the Naga People’s Front candidate.
The layers of Manipur politics, the linkages between the political elite and their interests across ethnic divides, defy a simpler image of a clash between two communities.
Gun-toting men, young and old, now sit and guard their villages from the neighbouring Kuki and Meitei villages. Every few days, there are headlines on gunfire exchanges and deaths.
According to a retired police officer, who is familiar with intelligence gathering in India’s North Eastern States, this kind of “low-grade violence is more dangerous”.
“These are indications that people are being recruited and trained,” he said. Asked what this conflict would spell for the illicit drug trade, he said, “In times of instability, trans-shipment and running becomes more active.”
“The Meiteis can’t go to the hills, and the Kukis can’t come to the valley. But the drugs can still go everywhere,” said Jogesh of the 3.5 Collective.
Angana Chakrabarti is an associate member of The Reporters’ Collective.
Aljazeera