Aung San Suu Kyi turns 76How did ‘Burma’s Gandhi’ fall from grace in the eyes of the world ?

Nandita Haksar
On June 19, the erstwhile leader of Myanmar, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will celebrate her 76th birthday in her home where she has been put under house arrest since the February 1 military coup.
Her birthday is an occasion for us to reflect how a genocide was committed in a country ruled by a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. Why did Aung San Suu Kyi, once celebrated as an icon of democracy, not only remain silent when the Rohingyas in Rakhine State were being massacred but even defend the Tatmadaw (the official name of the Burmese Army) at the International Court of Justice in November 2019 ?
In Myanmar, however, her defence of the Tatmadaw at the International Court of Justice was viewed by the people as a patriotic act comparable to an act of self sacrifice of a mother defending her children. Her popularity soared and she won the 2020 elections. The people of Myanmar looked forward to the final transition of their country from military dictatorship to a liberal democracy.
Instead, the Tatmadaw re-arrested Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021 even though she was the State Counsellor and had led her party, the National League for Democracy, to a thumping victory in the elections. She was once again a political prisoner but this time the international community was much less enthusiastic about taking up her cause.
A long journey
Let us trace Aung San Suu Kyi’s journey from becoming an icon of peace and democracy to being condemned for her silence on the massacre of Rohingyas.
Aung Saan Suu Kyi burst into the international scene during the days of her first house arrest from 1989 to 1995. It was then she became “symbolically omnipresent”. Within the country she was venerated almost like a female bodhisattva, a benevolent nat. Outside her country she was portrayed as an icon of democracy, the Gandhi of Burma or the Jean d’Arc.
While she was confined to her home, spending her days meditating, reading and playing the piano, the world showered her with awards. At a solemn and special session of the European Parliament at Strasbourg in July 1991 Suu Kyi was awarded the Sakharov prize for Freedom of Thought. The Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to her in 1991 for being “an outstanding example of the power of the powerless”. In 1992, she was awarded the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding by India.
Suu Kyi was released briefly in 2002 and again arrested in 2003. From 2003 to 2010 she was under house arrest and countries around the world continued to shower honours, awards and even citizenship on her. The US House of Representatives awarded her the Congressional Gold Medal in 2007, making her the first recipient of the Congressional Gold Medal while imprisoned. She has also been honoured with the International Simon Bolivar Prize from the Government of Venezuela and in 2011 she was made an honorary citizen of Canada. She is only the fourth person ever to receive the honour.
In 2010, Suu Kyi was released from house arrest but her party, the National League for Democracy was not allowed to participate in the elections.
In 2012, when Aung San Suu Kyi did participate in the elections, she led her NLD to an electoral victory. The newly elected MPs sat in the Parliament in Naypyitaw, the new capital of Myanmar. But Myanmar was a long way away from becoming a proper democracy because 25% of the seats were reserved for the Tatmadaw.
Slow transition
The transition to democracy was slow but seemed to be inevitable when Aung San Suu Kyi won the elections yet again in 2015. This time she managed to get a law passed in 2016 by which she became the State Counsellor, a position which made her above the President of her country but not above the Tatmadaw. It was a position created for her by special law (which even mentioned her by name) since the Constitution banned her from becoming the President as she was married to a foreigner and her two sons were foreign citizens.
But when she did take her seat in Parliament after becoming State Counsellor, the average age of her Cabinet Ministers was 70 – making it the oldest Government in modern Burmese history. There were no women in the Cabinet and two of her Ministers were found to have fake university degrees. Suu Kyi did not have any vision on how to unite Myanmar’s diverse communities and Nationalities.
The Bamar majority community has never wanted to share their power and privileges with the ethnic minorities and Bamar Buddhist chauvinism has never been challenged within the community; it has been a major cause for the alienation of the ethnic Nationalities.
Aung San Suu Kyi endorsed Barman-centric historiography and Burmese-Buddhist cultural symbols further alienated the ethnic minorities. “We can’t say she helps the ethnic minority peoples just because she dresses in their clothes,” said Gun Maw, a Kachin leader. “That’s much too little.”
Already the situation in Rakhine State was tense in 2012 with calls for depriving the Rohingyas of their rights as citizens. There was a vociferous protest against the BBC for describing the Rohingyas as indigenous to Myanmar. In February of the same year, Piccima Ratwan magazine called Rohingyas terrorists. The editorial board of the magazine included Rakhine monks, police officers, Government servants and figures of authority in the region.
In 2015 the Myanmar Government started pushing for the National Verification Cards for Rohingyas and officials demanded that they register themselves as Bengalis. They were told if they did not have a National Verification card they would not be allowed to move from their village.
By 2016, the Rohingyas were targets of violence by the Arakans and it was obvious they had the blessings of the State. In response, Aung San Suu Kyi appointed the Kofi Annan Commission to offer advice on ensuring the social and economic well-being of both the Buddhist and the Rohingya communities' situation in Rakhine. But when it submitted its report, the word “Rohingya” was not mentioned. In response, a militant Islamic group known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army or ARSA attacked 30 military and police facilities.
Ethnic cleansing
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, formerly known as Harakah al-Yaqin (literally “faith movement”) is a Rohingya insurgent group active in northern Rakhine State. According to a report by the International Crisis Group in 2016, it is led by Ataullah abu Ammar Jununi, a Rohingya man who was born in Karachi and grew up in Mecca, Saudi Arabia.
Courtesy Scroll.in (To be contd)